CASI Student Blog
I have been working on the role played by the Kinsey Institute in the history of sexual science in post-colonial and contemporary India. My decision to work on the Kinsey Institute specifically was prompted by the accessibility of digitized archives of the institute. As I near the end of my research, I am glad that I undertook the project. Though the project started as being centered on the significance of the Kinsey Institute in Indian sexual history, I have been able to use the sources to paint a broader picture about the wider history of sexual science during this period. This project has also helped to broaden the temporal scope of my dissertation project which I had initially thought of concluding by the late 1950s or early 60s at the latest. But having found a significant number of sources from the 1980s and later, I have been convinced to extend my study further into the contemporary history of sexuality in India.
In my last post, I had raised a question relating to the conspicuous absence of women from the correspondences sent to or by the Institute and or even generally when it came to discussions on sexuality in India in the Kinsey institute archives. Having gone through a few more files, I did come across references to female sexologists who participated in the 7th World Sexology Conference which took place in Delhi in 1985. The event, as I mentioned in my last post, the was widely covered by the press. The Philadelphia Inquirer interestingly ran a feature on it as a number of sexologists from the Society for the Scientific Study of Sex (SSSS), based in Philadelphia, participated in the conference. The female sexologist chose to remain anonymous as she commented on the total absence of any sexual rights that women enjoyed in the developing worlds of Africa and Asia. Though the aim of the conference was to reduce the stigma surrounding sexuality and introduce a discourse on sex education, the Indian media appeared scandalized by the fact that the word ‘sex’ was used ten thousand times a day during the conference and chose not to cover it. The stigma surrounding sex and the conference also resulted in the then health minister, Mohsina Kidwai “respectfully” declining an invitation to inaugurate the conference on account of being Muslim and a woman.The Philadelphia Inquirer feature on the 7th World Sexology Conference, New Delhi, 1985.
Apart from the conference, I also came across an interesting letter written to the Kinsey Institute by Professor H.C Ganguli, who had established the Psychology Department in Delhi University in 1964. Ganguli wanted to spearhead a research on sexuality at Delhi University and wrote to the Institute in 1967 requesting material beyond Kinsey’s reports. Ganguli was particularly interested to know more about the methodology employed by Kinsey and his colleagues as he was beginning to devise a similar study in India. Facts such as these have given me another anchor to conduct further research study in India and know more about the history of sexual science in the post-colonial context.Professor H.C. Ganguli(1924-2013)
Another interesting aspect of sexology emerged as I read through a correspondence between the Institute and a biographer of Sir Richard Burton. Burton was a colonial officer and ethnographer who had travelled through the British Empire and was posted in Sindh in 1844. He would later establish the Hindoo Kamashastra Society in London along with F.F. Arbuthnot and translate into English, among other works, the Kama Sutra and the Arabian Nights. Burton came up with the theory of the “Sotadic Zone” which was a geographical zone right from the Mediterranean and the Middle East up to the South China sea in the east which included South Asia. According to Burton inhabitants of this zone were particularly licentious and predisposed to homosexuality. Burton interestingly cited an Italian sexologist of the times to “prove” how the nerve endings of the genitals of the inhabitants of the Sotadic Zone were connected to their anal region which explained their predisposition to homosexuality. Byron Farwell, as he wrote a biography of Burton in the 1960s wrote to the Kinsey Institute asking whether there was any truth to Burton’s ideas about the sexuality of the “oriental races.” Paul Gebhard, who was the director of the Institute from 1956 onward replied to Farwell stating that Burton’s views could be attributed to cultural and colonial bias rather scientific facts. What was interesting to me in this exchange was the way in which sexology was used by both Byron and Burton for truth making claims about sexuality albeit in different contexts.Richard Burton
As I wrap up this summer project and prepare my final presentation, I will be highlighting the findings I made by accessing these sources from the archives of the Kinsey Institute and how it will fit into my larger project on the history of sexual science in modern and contemporary South Asia.
This summer I have been working towards completing the second chapter of my honors thesis in Science, Technology and Society. In this chapter, I trace the history of the Ford Foundation in India from 1951-1965, paying close attention to its 1959 Report on India’s Food Crisis and Steps to Meet It.
By so doing, I make two interrelated arguments. First, that the development experts working for the FF irrevocably conceived of India as a country of peasants, and believed that any departure from a village-centric, rural-oriented and food-first strategy of development would, therefore, be fundamentally flawed. The work of Arturo Escobar and James Ferguson on development discourse, and Daniel Immerwahr’s excellent study of the India’s community development program in the 1950s has proven particularly generative here.
The second argument I make is that it was in large part due to the Western development expert’s village fetish that the Ford Foundation warned about a food crisis in India in 1959. The FF report reached the “inescapable conclusion” that if India was to continue pursuing rapid industrialization through the Second and Third five-year plans, as opposed to a food-first rural development program, India would face an unprecedented food crisis which no amount of foreign imports would be able to alleviate.
Crisis served as an incredibly potent tool to the FF to argue for what it considered the ideal kind of development in the Third World. They knew that the bigger the crisis, the bigger the potential for change. FF staff have written about the 1959 crisis and many other ones in India with remarkable self-awareness about crisis talk. Douglas Ensminger, for instance, who was the FF’s Chief Representative to India and Pakistan between 1954-70, complained that leaders of developing countries were riddled with complacency and that “timing and opportunity must either exist or be created to provide both the stimulus and guidance for change.”
Completing the chapter proved more difficult due to closure of archives and libraries, but the archivists I have spoken to have gone out of their way to facilitate my research. I am incredibly grateful to Dean Hargett at the State Historical Society of Missouri, Bethany Antos at the Rockefeller Archives, and Gary Barnhart at the Montana State University Library for making their collections accessible even during a pandemic.
Some records from the State Historical Society of Missouri’s collection on Douglas Ensminger, courtesy of Dean Hargett, Acquisition Librarian.
Soon I will be switching gears to work on a different chapter, which looks at the normative makings of ‘crisis’ by examining computer models that development economists used to declare a food crisis in India, partly motivated by their frustration with India’s industry-first strategy of development. More on that would be found in my next blog post!
Thanks to the financial support and intellectual community fostered by CASI, I completed the interview data collection for my dissertation this summer. I conducted 26 interviews with Indian citizens living in the U.S. and India who have some migration experience in the U.S., either for studies or for work. The interviews covered their motivations for migration, their experiences at U.S. universities and companies, and the factors that played into their decision to stay in the U.S. or return to India.
I am starting to analyze these interviews, as well as the larger interview and employment history data sets I constructed and am working on a journal submission reporting on the results of this mixed-methods project. The results of this study suggest that immigration policies play an important role in regulating the flow and nature of international student migration streams, and lead to simultaneous convergence and divergence in the educational attainment and field of study between Indian international students studying in the U.S., and their domestically educated peers in India. Many students have multinational educations, but the balance of students moving between Indian and U.S. universities leans heavily towards the United States. Indian international students are more concentrated in STEM majors than their non-migrant peers, and funnel into certain concentrations in engineering.
These findings are significant because they illustrate the ways that the very conditions enabling global integration in higher education can simultaneously contribute to a diversification of knowledge production in specific country contexts. Migration policy enables the partial convergence U.S. and Indian universities and labor markets as student and work visas contribute to the growth of international student enrollment and multinational educations, but the design of these immigration policies also leads to an asymmetrical flow of international students, and funnels international students into certain fields of study, creating divergence between international and domestic student educational attainment. And unpredictable fluctuations in migration policy related to higher education, like Trump’s announcement that was rescinded a week later about international student enrollment requirements to maintain visa status during the pandemic, can create stress and disruptions in students’ academic plans that can influence future enrollment behavior.
My next step for this project is to analyse the settlement patterns of Indian migrants by place of education.
In the past few weeks, much of my time for this research has been devoted to learning about maternal health care systems in India. For starters, how do new mothers choose a hospital for their care? What are the differences between private and public hospitals that motivate these choices? How do mothers choose an OB/GYN? How do they pay for these appointments? How are decisions made with the whole family? More importantly, how do doctors guide their patients through these decisions?
As I’ve read through more literature this summer, one of the biggest gaps I have seen is the lack of geographically-centered research on this issue in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh, as well as a dearth of extensive qualitative research methods used. Rising rates of C-sections is, by nature, a problem that is seen across all developing countries, as they reform their medical systems to reduce maternal mortality. Greater technological dependency in medicine has unknowingly placed surgery and other medical interventions on a pedestal over preventative care and noninvasive methods. As patient awareness grows over time, the role of the patient and family in medical decision-making increases, as well. Before the doctor can make a decision on patient safety and method of delivery during labor, many patients consult their own peers and research to present their own decision. Such decisions are influenced by many factors, such as their understanding of the pros and cons of each delivery method, pain tolerance, financial background, and more. Such factors seem to be playing a greater role more recently, as seen by these rising rates.
Over the last few weeks, as I began talking to more medical professionals who see and assist new mothers during childbirth, one of the most prevalent topics has been the patient side of decision-making. It has been interesting to hear providers speak about how violence against doctors and income status can sway decisions made by patients and providers. For example, a patient’s social status and financial capability can go so far as to motivate their decision to get a C-section. In such cases, patients’ families may be equating higher class to “better” care in the form of a C-section. From the providers’ end, an influencing factor can be the social pressure that comes in the form of violence against medical professionals. Many doctors cite fear of violence to be a factor in choosing the more predictable route of a caesarean delivery, even when this surgical procedure may be unnecessary.
Under such circumstances, it has been informative to learn of the various social factors that can impact medical decisions beyond the science itself. This also reveals the need for research to fill these gaps and ultimately explore the issues in an open-ended, qualitative manner that can then inform policy and health initiatives more precisely.
The experience of interviewing Indian medical professionals right from my bedroom has been challenging yet memorable for all these reasons. While phone interviews may not capture the full qualitative research experience that I had hoped for, it has given me a look into what a day in the hospital could look like and how a visit to the doctor entails so much more beyond sheer medicine itself. Interviews like these have motivated me to explore the political, social, and economic histories of these medical institutions that influence these trends in maternal health from the origin.
As a part of my project for the summer, I have been looking at the role played by the Kinsey Institute in the history of sexual science in India in the period between the 1940s and the 1980s. This project is a part of my larger dissertation project on the history of sexual science in India. The dissertation project has a broader temporal scope spanning from the 1880s into the second half of the 20th century. However, for this summer project, I have chosen to restrict myself to the Kinsey Institute primarily due to the availability of digitized archival material made accessible by the institute. There are 548 files with multiple documents referencing India in the digital archives of the Institute. I have not been able to study all of them, until now, but based on my study of roughly half the documents, I have been able to categorize them under three broad themes.
The first theme under which I have categorized the sources is related to sexology conferences that were organized both in the US and India between the 1960s and 80s. The most prominent conference which witnessed participation by psychologists and sexologists from all over the world was the 7th World Conference on Sexology. It was widely covered in the press. Subjects included for discussion in the conference varied widely ranging from the usual discussions on sexual disorders, venereal diseases, and sexual categories to more contextual topics such as the necessity of sex education in India.A newsletter of the Indian Association of announcing the 7th World Conference of Sexology in the “Land of Kamasutra.”
The next group of sources that I have come across refer to letters written by researchers at the Kinsey Institute and Indians interested in sexual science requesting for books and materials. Among the requests from India most seem to complain about the lack of access to material that would address topics covered by sexology and sex ed. Many of the Indians are doctors, academics and some also claim to be individual activists of sexual science and sex. There are multiple requests for the Kinsey’s reports and permission to translate and publish them in India, most of which are denied. From the point of view of the Kinsey Institute a lot of interest in India emerges out of a curiosity with erotic sculptures and the transsexuals known as hijras in India, almost along the lines of an Orientalist perspective on sexuality in India. The Indians who write to the Kinsey institute requesting books and other materials are often times asked by the researchers to reciprocate their gesture by sending some photographs and other textual material from India. In this context one letter written by Paul Gebhard, who succeeded Kinsey as the director of the Institute in 1956 is interesting and significant. It refers to the US customs department seizing erotic sculptures and painting and therefore requests photographs to be sent in regular sized envelopes and ensure that they are not too heavy.Paul Gebhard, the director of the Kinsey Institute requesting research material on “eunuchs” in India
The third group of sources that I wanted to highlight are requests by individuals from India wishing to seek sex advice or research fellowships at the institute. One question that I had was why would somebody experiencing sexual problems in India want to write to the Kinsey Institute in Indiana seeking a remedy? Most of these requests came from Indians who were travelers and had visited Europe or North America. One of them was a man about to get married but he had been experiencing premature ejaculation and had not found help among Indian sexologists. He had come to know of the Kinsey Institute during his travels in Europe and wrote to them hoping to get a solution. Another individual, M A Hai, from Hyderabad was a doctor visiting the United States and he went on to personally meet Kinsey and also participated in research workshops with him. Later letters written by Hai from India reveal that he wanted to carry out sexual surveys to find out where the “Oriental man” was different in his sexual response from the American male.One of the letters written by Kinsey to Hai, where he even expresses an interest to visit India someday.
A conspicuous absence from the sources that I have studied until now has been the voices of women. We known that female sexuality was a part of Kinsey’s research and the second volume of his sex survey published in 1953 was dedicated to it. However, women or the subject of female sexuality has not been a part of the sources that I have studied until now. In the broader history of sexual science in India, male actors undoubtedly outnumbered women, but women were not entirely absent. There have been indigenous Ayurvedic practitioners such as Yashoda Devi in the United Provinces in the 1920s and 30s who wrote extensively on sexuality. Birth control activists such as Margaret Sanger and Marie Stopes have also been interested in India. As I continue to explore more of these sources, I would like to see whether the silence around female sexuality is recurrent all through the sources. Though, I should mention here that my search due to the present circumstances is only restricted to the digitized material.
I’ve conducted and transcribed 17 interviews so far this summer, 13 with people currently working in India and four with people currently working in the U.S. holding H-1B visas. Since our last meeting, there have been major policy changes to both the H-1B program in the U.S. and the student visa program, with significant implications for students’ academic plans for the fall and ability to stay in the country.
At the end of June, Trump blocked the issuance of H-1B and J-1 visas, which also bars migrants from entering the country on an H-1B visa, until at least the end of the year. While the order does not seem to affect migrants currently in the U.S. on a current H-1B visa, it might complicate visa renewals, and limit migrants’ ability to leave the country for an ambiguous period of time. Last week, ICE announced an end to a waiver implemented at the beginning of the COVID shutdown, which allowed international students taking online classes to remain in the country on an F-1 or M-1 visa. The change in the policy stipulates that international students must be taking in-person classes to maintain visa status, which creates health risks and particular complications for students whose universities are online-only in the fall.
I am waiting for the dust to settle on both of these orders before interviewing H-1B holders and F-1 holders on these topics, as the news has unfolded quickly in the last few weeks and plans are changing. In the interest of giving respondents some time to process these developments for themselves and not overburden them during a busy and stressful time (and to collect data that more accurately reflects the broader context) I am going to wait a few more weeks before interviewing people on these two topics, though they are very relevant to my project.
As such, I’ve been focusing on interviewing return migrants in India. I’ve found data collection during the shutdown to be both challenging and rewarding. Social distancing has created some unique logistical complications, from travel restrictions preventing in-person interviews to technical issues with connectivity and WhatsApp, to finding a time with the nine-and-a-half-hour time change when both my respondents and I are awake and not working.
But the particularities of this moment have led to a surprising richness of data collection. First, because many respondents have more flexible schedules working from home, they are not in a rush to get through the interview, and I’ve found the interviews have lasted longer and respondents are more open to sharing with me. I’ve also tried to leverage the unique moment as a point of contrast for people’s “normal” daily lives before the pandemic, to highlight specific routines, work experiences or behaviors that individuals normally would not be attuned to. Because I’m not able to observe respondents’ office settings in person, I’m trying to pull out as much detail and specificity about their workplace experiences in the interviews themselves.
The nature of the pandemic and the way it’s impacted my respondents’ lives has offered new perspectives into my research questions as well. Challenges related to working from home, balancing childcare responsibilities with a spouse, and navigating expectations from bosses, has given me new insight into the tricky balance of responsibilities and pressures that many respondents in my sample face, especially working moms. And even before the changes to the H-1B in the U.S. were announced, prior travel restrictions and the heightened significance of citizenship has raised some questions for respondents currently living in the United States about their long-term settlement plans, wanting to be closer to family, and having concerns about visa processing while immigration offices are closed.
I am a rising fourth year PhD Candidate at the Department of Political Science at Penn. I grew up in Bombay, India and moved here to the US in 2017 to start my PhD. My research interests lie at the intersection of gender, urbanization and political participation in India.
My dissertation project looks at the influence of circular male migration on the political participation of left-behind women in India. Specifically, I ask: Does the absence of men due to circular internal economic migration create a condition for women in sending communities to turn politically active? If so, are these effects significantly different for long-term and short-term internal male migration? Also, do they persist even after men return? I aim to study this in the context of rural Bihar, India.
In order to answer these questions I will use a mixed methods approach that will rely on observational data, survey data and qualitative interviews. This summer I will be conducting qualitative phone interviews with elites in low and high migration regions in the state. The goal is to collect information on the types of changes that are occurring in women’s lives and at the village level in terms of political participation and interaction with the state.
I look forward to updating this blog with my findings from these interviews over the course of the summer.
I am a doctoral student in City and Regional Planning at the University of Pennsylvania. My summer dissertation research is being supported by the CASI summer research grant. As a planner, I am interested in how urban space is constructed. In particular, how informal space is formed by the critical relationship that defines it – the state that defines legitimate use of space, and informality that negotiates the use of urban space.
My dissertation project seeks to understand how these relationships define the lived experience of urban informality in Ga-Mashie (Accra, Ghana) and Fort Kochi (Kerala, India). In both sites, the underlying informality is comparable; what is different is the lived experience of informality. The problem, simply put, is a question of why two similar cases differ in their interaction with the state, and whether this has an impact on the lived experience of informality, and how this plays out in the growth and development of these places?
Across the world, two billion of the world’s employed population worked informally in 20181, and across all developing regions of the world, just under one billion people lived in slums in 20142. These numbers hide regional variation. For example, urban employment in India was 70 per cent in the last census3, and 88 per cent in Ghana in the last Labour Force Survey4. For urban planners, the need to define and maintain a hegemony of what I call, the “planned normal” or a desired shape of the city drives practice. Urban planners employ plans, zoning regulations, and even policy instruments that shape a city’s built environment to this end. With these tools, they aim to bring into line, anything deviating from this planned normal, defining a hegemony for the city, which the city’s residents are expected to follow. In everyday life in the global south, however, the planned normal is an aberration, often confined to a few parts of the city (if at all) where regulations and formal governance institutions prevail. Instead, the dominant hegemony is organic and informal.
Given that the pandemic restricts my being in the field, this summer, I will focus on visual ethnography techniques, in particular, photo-voice with participants in Fort Kochi. Over the last two summers of fieldwork, photography played a key role in generating dialogue among my participants about the ways in which they defined, structured, and navigated everyday space in the city. Using photo-voice, I hope to generate participant narratives about everyday spatial choices and memorialised and inherited space. Doing so also allows me to structure interviews around the photographs participants have taken – why are these views of space important to them? What do they consider the defining aspects of those spaces photographed?
1 ILO. 2018. Women and men in the informal economy: A statistical picture Geneva: International Labour Organisation.
2 UN-HABITAT. 2016. Slum Almanac 2015/16: Tracking improvement in the lives of slum dwellers. Nairobi: United Nations Human Settlements Program.
3Chen, Martha, and Govindan Raveendran. 2011. Urban India 2011: Evidence. Bangalore: Indian Institute for Human Settlements.
4Baah-Boateng, William, and Joann Vanek. 2020. “Informal workers in Ghana: A Statistical Snapshot.” WEIGO Statistical Brief 21:1- 12.
I am Neelu Paleti, a rising undergraduate senior studying Health and Societies with a concentration in Health Policy. This summer I will be conducting my senior thesis project, tentatively titled Modern Births?: The Construction of Power, Choice, and Safety of Caesarean Deliveries in South India. This research stems from my broader interests in maternal and child health, institutionalization of care, government-led health policy, and the evolving doctor-patient relationship in India. Though originally from Columbus, OH, I have experienced many different facets of India through my parents and extended family, who are all from the South Indian state of Andhra Pradesh. These experiences and stories of their interactions with the country’s medical system have piqued my interest to study the complexities of healthcare in this region.
When considering maternal healthcare and childbirth, one of the biggest patterns seen across many different parts of the world is the rise in C-section deliveries over traditional vaginal births. Over the past several decades, research has shown more and more mothers undergoing surgery to deliver their babies for a host of reasons. While a caesarean delivery has historically served as an emergency option during pregnancy complications, the World Health Organization deems that such “medically necessary” caesarean deliveries are required only for about 10-15% of all births. The problem that South India is facing is the rise of elective “medically unnecessary” caesarean deliveries that use more healthcare resources but do not necessarily contribute to any improvements in maternal mortality indices.
A 2015-16 version of India’s National Family and Health Survey has shown the rates of caesarean deliveries in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh to be 58% and 40.1% of all deliveries, the two highest rates across the nation. Moreover, 41% of all deliveries in private healthcare facilities in India are C-sections, increasing from 28% in the 2005-6 survey. This compares to around 30% C-section rates in the US. The question raised here asks why in particular are the rates in these South Indian states comparatively so high? What differentiates this procedure in this region of India that formulates this number? Such data has drawn the attention of providers, policymakers, and patients across the country who are now beginning to question the medical necessity of this procedure and the social forces shaping such trends of childbirth.C-section rates across India, 2010-16
For the past several decades, India has been fighting to salvage its poor maternal mortality rates and ensure better patient outcomes. Many of the safe motherhood initiatives taken by the national and local governments aimed to raise the number of institutional births. As seen in the case of the Janani Suraksha Yojana, mothers were oftentimes even paid to deliver in a hospital, thereby equating institutionalization of childbirth with lower maternal deaths and safer outcomes. However, many of the secondary consequences, such as higher C-section rates, that came with this measure were never fully addressed.
My project will research the underlying themes of the power and agency of mothers and families in the decision-making process of childbirth, as well as the dynamic of the doctor-patient relationship, especially in private healthcare settings. Through remote interviews with providers, I will contextualize the already existing quantitative research on the rates of C-sections within the nuanced circumstances of pain, family intervention, governmental regulation, and provider convenience more qualitatively. Interviews with healthcare providers in the hospital will portray how the formal education of obstetricians, payment incentives, overall attitudes towards patient populations, and awareness of this rate of C-sections influence the methods of delivery they recommend and use. I hope to contextualize these current themes within the historical evolution of maternal healthcare and midwifery in postcolonial India. Ultimately, this research around caesarean deliveries in South India speaks to larger themes of choice, social control, modernity, and gender, amongst many more that draw from the disciplines of history and anthropology to contextualize health in these communities.
I am a doctoral candidate in sociology and demography at the University of Pennsylvania whose research is supported by a 2020 CASI Summer Research Grant.
I grew up in Mesa, Arizona and completed my bachelor’s degree at the University of Arizona in 2012 in international studies. As an undergraduate, I spent a year in India through a study-abroad program that helped solidify my interest in India and the study of Indian society. After graduation, I returned to India on a Fulbright-Nehru Student Research Fellowship where I studied the impact of seasonal labor migration on education in Rajasthan. I then moved to Philadelphia where I worked as the Research Coordinator at CASI before joining the PhD program in sociology and demography at Penn in 2015.
As a social demographer, I am interested in how social and cultural factors impact various dimensions of population composition or change over time. My main research interests are in gender, family, and social inequality in India. I also do research on family and kinship in other social contexts such as the United States.
My dissertation project will be comprised of three papers on marriage in contemporary India. This summer, with the support of CASI, I will be working on the analysis and writing of my first and second dissertation papers. The first examines how young people and their families manage uncertainty in marriage decisions and utilizes interview data collected with the support of CASI Summer Travel Funds in 2018. The second paper will use survey data to examine patterns of homogamy in India.
I am Tathagat Bhatia, a rising senior in the College of Arts and Sciences from Lucknow, India. I’m majoring in Science, Technology & Society in the Department of History & Sociology of Science, and minoring in Russian. This summer I am working on my senior thesis, tentatively titled “Development Dreams: Exporting U.S. Expertise to Postcolonial India, 1947-72.” My project hopes to explore how Cold War-era U.S. agronomists, sociologists and bureaucrats sought to produce an “India” whose path to development was decidedly agricultural rather than industrial. According to these experts, India was so fundamentally ridden with problems of hunger and overpopulation that any attempt by the Indian government to pursue large-scale industrialization at the cost of agricultural reform was tragically misguided, if not reckless.
I find this story particularly compelling because of the persistence of this paternalism even in contemporary regimes of development. Every time India launches a rocket into space, for example, I notice how there is an immediate flurry of criticism from Western observers who wonder whether a country as poor as India should even be investing in space research when it could be feeding hungry mouths. Through this project I want to show how there is a history to this kind of reasoning which demands developing countries to pursue food-first development strategies.
U.S. Cold War imperatives coincided with its mission to “develop” the so-called “Third World” to advance a particular form of development which was most suitable to U.S. interests. By the early 1960s, there was a growing realization in the U.S. Department of Agriculture that even as the Soviet Union might overtake the U.S. in many industrial fields, it would be a while before they catch up to it in agricultural production and efficiency. Hoping to capitalize on their advantage in this sector, governmental agencies such as the USDA and the State Department worked in concert with nongovernmental actors like the Ford Foundation to encourage what they considered inherently American agricultural practices in non-aligned countries like India. Over the summer I will be reading more about these extension programs through U.S. land-grant universities and colleges for training Indian agricultural workers. I argue that inherent in the activities of these programs is the assumption that an agricultural approach to development was the only way to solve problems such as hunger and poverty in India.
Frank Shuman, an agricultural extension officer from the University of Illinois, being honored with a garland that reads “Hail Nitrogen” in Allahabad in 1955, in response to his fierce fertilizer promotion campaign in the district. Source: Internet Archive.
However, not everyone was keen about a food-first strategy. Jawaharlal Nehru was a firm believer in industrialization as the path to modernization, much to the chagrin of U.S. actors, most notably President Lyndon B. Johnson, who was becoming increasingly frustrated with India’s non-aligned stance even as millions of tons of food aid made its way from the corn fields of Iowa to the ports of Bombay and Vizag. According to Douglas Ensminger, the Ford Foundation’s representative to India and Pakistan from 1951-70, the problem was that India’s Five-Year Plans were devoting more and more resources to steel mills, not fertilizer plants, which was unacceptable to people like Johnson. Eventually, Johnson instituted a “short-tether” policy towards India, holding food aid hostage until the Indian government was ready to channel resources out of industrialization schemes and into agricultural reform. I hope to use moments such as this one to illustrate the pervasiveness of the food and agriculture binary in U.S. development ideals in postcolonial India.
The biggest challenge I am facing presently is access to libraries and archives. In the first place, I decided to center this story about development around U.S. actors, since access to Indian records has been curtailed due to the pandemic. But the records of not all U.S. agencies and institutions have been digitized to the same extent. The State Department, for example, has done a really good job of making reports, memos and letters available to the public, but the USDA and the Ford Foundation’s records are significantly lacking. The sources from these organizations which have been digitized include agency reports and policy recommendations, rather than personal records of the people involved, which presents only the official side of things. However, I feel confident that between coronavirus restrictions being relaxed and the wonderful service of requesting archives to scan and deliver certain documents, I would have enough sources to tell this story.
Hello! My name is Vikrant Dadawala, and I’m a Ph.D candidate in English and Cinema Studies. My areas of interest include science fiction, the global Cold War, middlebrow cinema, South Asian literature, and South African literature. I’m currently employed as a Summer Instructor and Critical Speaking Fellow at Penn. Before moving to the U.S for graduate school, I’ve worked as a journalist in Mumbai and as a volunteer social worker in rural Jharkhand.
My doctoral dissertation, ‘The Decades of Disillusionment: India and the World, 1960-1990’, analyzes themes of disappointment and heartbreak in modern Indian literature and cinema. Part I of the project focuses on the literature of moha bhang [Hindi: ‘broken love’, ‘disillusionment’] from the period between the death of Prime Minister Nehru and the declaration of the Emergency (1964-1975) — a time of war, famine scares, and political turmoil. Part II turns to Indian New Wave cinema to chart the slow unravelling of “Nehruvian socialism” in the period between the Emergency and the demolition of the Babri Mosque in 1992. Drawing on literary sources and archival research, my work offers a new perspective on topics such as the cultural Cold War in India; socialist intellectual culture in the Hindi belt; structural transformations in the English and Hindi public spheres post-Independence; and the rise of Hindu nationalism.
This summer, supported by a research grant from CASI, I will be working on the third chapter of my doctoral dissertation. The chapter, tentatively titled ‘The Indo-Anglians in Search of the World’, is a critical reflection on the legacy of the first generation of postcolonial Indian writers in English — writers like Santha Rama Rau, Ruth Prawer Jhabvala, Dom Moraes, and Adil Jussawalla — whose itinerant lives and melancholic temperament made them invaluable witnesses to the period that I call India’s “decades of disillusionment”. Over the next two months, as the chapter takes shape, I will be sharing snippets of my research on this blog. More soon!
For now, here’s a brief introduction to some of the figures I will be writing about:
I’m a doctoral candidate in the Department of Sociology, and my research spans the areas of migration, globalization, and immigrant incorporation and centers on the global flows of people, knowledge, and culture. I grew up outside of Philadelphia and I’m finishing up data collection and analysis for my dissertation, titled “Global Gatekeepers: How institutions enable and constrain the global flow of skills, knowledge and migrants.”
Headquarters of an ecommerce company in Bangalore, India, January, 2020.
This multi-sited, mixed-methods project studies skilled Indian migrants as they move between the U.S. and India for work. The unique combination of employment history data and in-depth interviews gives purchase on studying new dynamics related to return migration and skilled migration that were unmeasurable in previous data. Leveraging the transnational and longitudinal nature of migrant employment history data, the LinkedIn data and interview data follow migrants as they move across national borders and addresses common issues related to drop out and selection among migrants. Further, this project develops an institutional framework on skilled migration, enriching our theoretical understanding of how universities, companies and the state shape migration patterns in both Indian and U.S. contexts.
The growth in skilled migration between the U.S. and India creates new opportunities to study the multi-directional flow of skill and knowledge. This dissertation project explores how institutions (universities, companies and the state) work together to enable and constrain the movement of people and information in this global circuit. Using a novel dataset constructed from LinkedIn employment histories, paired with 105 in-depth interviews, I problematize existing theories of skilled migration and examine new dynamics in transnational migration that were unmeasurable in previous data. The findings from this project will shed new light on the experiences of Indian migrants living in the U.S., and the impact of skilled migration on Indian society.
Thanks to the support from CASI, my goal for the summer is to finish qualitative data collection for this project. To understand how skilled migrants interact with institutions and navigate the migration process, I am conducting in-depth interviews with skilled migrants in both the U.S. and India, to compare the decision-making processes among groups with distinct settlement outcomes. Due to travel restrictions related to COVID-19, I will conduct interviews with India-based respondents via WhatsApp or Zoom, and will conduct with U.S.-based respondents on the phone until in-person interviews are feasible and safe again.
This dissertation project builds on extensive prior research on this topic. Most recently, I conducted preliminary field work in New Delhi and Bangalore from December 2019 through January 2020. Before that, I conducted a related interview-based research project for my Master’s thesis that focused on legal status and skilled migration, and interviewed Indian citizen H-1B visa holders about their experiences working in the U.S., the findings of which were published in Frontiers in Sociology last year.
I am Arnav Bhattacharya, a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of History and Sociology of Science. I just cleared my candidacy exam in the end of May and am gearing up to begin research for my larger dissertation project, tentatively titled, “Making Sex Scientific: A History of Sexology in Modern India (1880-1960).” I am presently in the third year of my graduate study moving on to the fourth. I hope to complete my dissertation by 2023 to 2024 at the latest. I am originally from Calcutta, West Bengal in India and I shifted to Philadelphia in the Fall of 2017.
My larger dissertation project explores the history of sexual science in India. For anyone who has visited in India, one may have come across advertisements for “sex clinics” claiming to provide a cure for “secret diseases” (gupt rog in Hindi). I had been broadly interested in the history of medicine, gender and sexuality and was fascinated by the discipline of sexology in contemporary India, which as can be gleaned from the advertisements, isn’t unheard of in India but at the same time there is a certain amount of secrecy and awkwardness surrounding the subject. Sexuality in recent years, has managed to enter broader discussion in the public sphere in India, most visibly following several cases of sexual violence and also after the decriminalization of homosexuality in 2018. In my dissertation I take a broader historical view on the subject to show how sexology or the idea of understanding sex scientifically was a part of the bigger project of modernity in colonial India. Indian sexologists were reading and appropriating a lot on sexology from the works of British and German sexologists such as Havelock Ellis and Magnus Hirschfeld. At the same time, they were also trying to understand the relevance of the science of sex with respect to issues as child marriage, widow remarriage or inter-caste marriage which were relevant in the Indian context. Moreover, Indian sexologists were perhaps some of the earliest figures in modern India to openly discuss subjects such as homosexuality and sex education.The online Kinsey Institue Archive.
Keeping in mind my larger project, over the summer, I would like to explore the online archives of the Kinsey Institute, Indiana University. Established in 1947, by the well-known American sexologist, Alfred C Kinsey in 1947, the Kinsey Institute has been the most important site for sexual science research in the United States. Fortunately, the online archives of the Institute have been made available through the Penn Library. Based on my initial skimming of the records, there are quite a few letters, correspondences and other materials relating to India in the Kinsey Institute Archives. Researchers at the Institute were interested to know more about Indian sexuality and wrote to people in India requesting books and photographs. Several Indians wrote to the institute with a wide range of requests ranging from sex advice, permission to translate Kinsey’s studies in Indian languages and request material and advice to establish sex ed curriculum or courses on sexuality . Over the course of the summer, I want to explore, study, and find out more about these interactions to understand the significance of the Kinsey Institute in the development of Indian sexology and sexuality from 1947 to the 1990s.
The availability of an online archive has made it possible for me to access the documents, despite the present travel restrictions. An initial challenge that I think I might encounter as I explore more of this material is trying to put all these documents in context. There is a lot of material and it is difficult to find out further details about the individuals making these correspondences, especially the Indian actors. I have thus decided to contextualize these documents thematically- What was the intention of Indians to write to the Kinsey Institute? How did India become a point of interest for the researchers at the Kinsey Institute? How do these documents relate to the wider sexual and socio-economic and political context of Cold War America and Post-Independence India? These are some of my initial research questions and I would love to receive further feedback on the topic.